Nicholson of "The Australian" newspaper: www.nicholsoncartoons.com.au
Excellent article from The Bulletin on SUVs / 4WDs in my Motoring Blog "Road and Circuit".
Publishing the link here as no one has found my Motoring blog yet!
About his Iraq invasion to topple Saddam, Bush says:No doubt he'll request that all American school history books list this as fact.
When the United Nations Security Council gave him one final chance to disclose and disarm, or face serious consequences, he refused to take that final opportunity. So coalition forces went into Iraq and removed his cruel regime.
Actually, Saddam had been cooperating, to a large extent, with the U.N. weapons inspectors. And he had no weapons of mass destruction to disarm. Weapons inspectors were begging the Security Council for more time, but Bush refused to give it to them. And Bush acted like was doing the Security Councils bidding by invading when, in actual fact, the Security Council refused to give its blessing to the invasion.
Thats why Kofi Annan called it illegal.
Even if Howard continued to defend his actions strenuously, if
he at least was anxious or agitated about this state of affairs, I
would be able to feel for him some respect. What unnerves me is the
calmness of his demeanour, the apparent near-entire absence in him
of a troubled conscience or the kind of self-scrutiny that might
lead him eventually to remorse. Howard is one of the most nimble
but also one of the most morally complacent politicians I have ever
observed.Howard rightly asks us to contemplate the pain of the families
of the 3000 innocent people who were murdered on September 11. Does
he, do we, feel nothing for the families of the tens of thousands
of Iraqis whose lives have been lost in the killings and the
murders that have occurred since the invasion of Iraq, for whose
involvement in which our Prime Minister was honoured, in Washington
last week, with a black-tie dinner and a 19-gun salute?
While Howard was in Washington, centrist political think tank
the Brookings Institution published its most recent study of the
outcome of the invasion of Iraq. According to this study, since the
invasion, between 44,000 and 89,000 Iraqi civilians, perhaps 55,000
Iraqi insurgents, and 2500 members of the invading forces have been
killed.Even though the US has spent or approved the spending of $US435
billion on Iraq (which is 15 times the entire annual Iraqi GDP) -
an even larger number of Iraqi children (9 per cent) are suffering
from acute malnutrition than was the case before the invasion of
March 2003; more than two-thirds of Iraqis still do not have clean
water; and residents of Baghdad receive on average fewer than six
hours of electricity a day.Two-thirds of Iraqis feel less secure now than they did before
the invasion. Fewer than 1 per cent believe that the occupying
forces have improved security. Before the invasion the Baghdad
morgue processed fewer than 100 corpses a month. In the first three
months of this year, it processed 3427. Iraqis are now losing hope.
A year ago, 67 per cent of Iraqis believed that their country was
at least heading in the right direction. At present a mere 30 per
cent still believe that this is so.
This week Peter Costello said that, after his tax cuts, New Zealanders
should move to Australia. Well actually, this is what he said:
Herald Sun: Costello welcomes rugby Kiwis [19may06]
Kiwis on average wages in New Zealand would pay a lot less tax in Australia, Mr Costello told ABC Radio.
And high income earners would benefit by relocating, he said.
I think in New Zealand you go on the top tax rate at $63,000 New Zealand, which would be considerably less Australian, down around $50,000, Mr Costello said.
In Australia you are not going to go into the top tax rate until you earn above $150,000.
And this is now becoming a bit of an issue in New Zealand.
And if there are Kiwis who have skills and who want to come to
Australia as skilled immigrants of course they would be welcome in Australia.
If they can play rugby union they will be doubly welcome.
See also http://www.radionz.co.nz/news/latest/200605192019/14490120
Australia's top rate is 45 per cent. In New Zealand it is 39 per cent. I ran some comparisons the other day, and in reality, due to different numbers of thresholds and threshold levels, there really isn't much difference, especially once you i nclude all the hidden taxes in Australia like car registration and insurance.
NZ Individual tax rates | Australian Tax rates | ||
Taxable income | Tax rate | Taxable income | Tax rate |
up to $38,000 | 19.5 | $0 $6,000 | Nil |
$38,001 to $60,000 | 33 | $6,001 $25,000 | 15 |
$60,001 and over | 39 | $25,001 $75,000 | 30 |
|
| $75,001 $150,00 | 40 |
|
| $150,001 and over | 45 |
Comparison of the effect of the tax rates
| Australia |
| New Zealand |
|
Salary | Net Salary | Tax | Net Salary | Tax |
$5,000 | $5,000 | $0 | $4,025 | $975 |
$10,000 | $9,400 | $600 | $8,050 | $1,950 |
$15,000 | $13,650 | $1,350 | $12,075 | $2,925 |
$20,000 | $17,900 | $2,100 | $16,100 | $3,900 |
$25,000 | $22,150 | $2,850 | $20,125 | $4,875 |
$30,000 | $25,650 | $4,350 | $24,150 | $5,850 |
$35,000 | $29,150 | $5,850 | $28,175 | $6,825 |
$40,000 | $32,650 | $7,350 | $31,930 | $8,070 |
$45,000 | $36,150 | $8,850 | $35,280 | $9,720 |
$50,000 | $39,650 | $10,350 | $38,630 | $11,370 |
$55,000 | $43,150 | $11,850 | $41,980 | $13,020 |
$60,000 | $46,650 | $13,350 | $45,330 | $14,670 |
$65,000 | $50,150 | $14,850 | $48,380 | $16,620 |
$70,000 | $53,650 | $16,350 | $51,430 | $18,570 |
$75,000 | $57,150 | $17,850 | $54,480 | $20,520 |
$80,000 | $60,150 | $19,850 | $57,530 | $22,470 |
$85,000 | $63,150 | $21,850 | $60,580 | $24,420 |
$90,000 | $66,150 | $23,850 | $63,630 | $26,370 |
$95,000 | $69,150 | $25,850 | $66,680 | $28,320 |
$100,000 | $72,150 | $27,850 | $69,730 | $30,270 |
$105,000 | $75,150 | $29,850 | $72,780 | $32,220 |
$110,000 | $78,150 | $31,850 | $75,830 | $34,170 |
$115,000 | $81,150 | $33,850 | $78,880 | $36,120 |
$120,000 | $84,150 | $35,850 | $81,930 | $38,070 |
And:It is unsurprising that 71 per cent of Australians believe that ministers told less than the full truth about their knowledge of the AWB scandal in testimony before the Cole inquiry. Loss of faith in the veracity and accountability of ministers and governments has been palpable for some time, as polling consistently attests.
Asked in a 1995 Morgan poll whether federal politicians usually tell the truth, 67 per cent of respondents disagreed, 24 per cent agreed and 9 per cent had no opinion. Seventy per cent of those polled agreed that politicians could not be trusted to keep election promises, 84 per cent that politicians lied at election time to win votes, and 94 per cent that politicians twisted the truth to suit their own arguments.
Public scepticism and cynicism have not been diminished by subsequent events. Think of the distinction drawn by the Howard Government between "core" and "non-core" election promises. Think of Peter Reith and the Dubai conspiracy. Think of "children overboard". Think of SIEV-X. Think of weapons of mass destruction. Think most of all of AWB. The Cole inquiry has confirmed the community's worst fears.
What then are the remedies? The need to protect and strengthen the watchdogs on public probity, transparency and accountability and adopt new ones, is blindingly obvious. Let us, for a start, honour and facilitate in every possible way auditors-general, ombudsmen, electoral commissioners, anti-discrimination commissioners and other statutory custodians of public office integrity and the public interest. Let us praise and elevate in status and independence the public accounts committees of our parliaments and the wider parliamentary committee system.
Let us defend and extend freedom of information legislation and more effectively privilege and protect whistleblowers. Let us insist that ministers respect requirements, such as for replying promptly to questions on notice and compliance with the statutory dates for tabling official reports.
Let us devise disincentives for ministerial elevation of deniability and contrived ignorance to art forms, which the Cole inquiry has so comprehensively unmasked. Let us not least revisit and reinforce the code of ministerial conduct, which Prime Minister Howard embraced as leader of the opposition, but now so brazenly refuses to uphold.
Let us by way of innovation create at both the federal and state levels a new statutory office of parliamentary adjudicator-general, with a brief to receive and investigate complaints of public falsehood, including those under protection of parliamentary privilege, and report publicly to parliament. The credibility of adjudicators-general would result directly from a robust exercise of their independence, and the capacity to name and shame offenders.And:
Let us, having adopted the remedies immediately available to us,
think again about what additional measures may be needed to ensure
that standards of accountability, transparency and veracity in
public life are restored and upheld.Let us above all not settle for less from governments, ministers
and other elected representatives than that they be guided at all
times by the words used by Vaclav Havel in a New Year's Day
broadcast after his election as president of Czechoslovakia in
1989. Havel reminded his listeners of the massive deceptions
perpetrated against them by the former Communist Party government
of Czechoslovakia. "I assume," he said, "that you did not propose
me for this office so that I, too, would lie to you."
PRESIDENT George Bush's choice to head the CIA has attacked Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for selectively using intelligence before the Iraq invasion.
General Michael Hayden told the Senate Intelligence Committee that a special intelligence unit set up by Mr Rumsfeld had disregarded intelligence that suggested there was no real connection between al-Qaeda and Saddam Hussein.
General Hayden's comment came during his confirmation hearing and was the first time a senior Bush Administration official had said that intelligence was selectively used to support the view that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction and close links with al-Qaeda.
General Hayden, who was head of the National Security Agency at the time and No. 3 at the Pentagon behind Mr Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, startled committee members and observers with his implicit criticism of Mr Rumsfeld. Asked by senator Carl Levin, the Intelligence Committee's ranking Democrat, whether he felt comfortable with the approach to intelligence by Mr Rumsfeld's Office of Special Plans, General Hayden replied: "No sir, I wasn't No sir, I wasn't comfortable."
The Bush Administration has consistently denied suggestions that it "cooked" intelligence to justify the Iraq war.
And it denied claims that the Office of Special Plans, which was overseen by Mr Wolfowitz and run by the then undersecretary of defence Gordon Feith, was set up to find intelligence that supported the case that Iraq had WMD and close ties with al-Qaeda.
General Hayden virtually confirmed that Mr Feith, who left the Administration last July, had discounted intelligence reports that cast doubt on the claims that Iraq had al-Qaeda connections and had exaggerated the strength of intelligence that suggested such ties might exist.
There was no reaction from Mr Rumsfeld.